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內容簡介

  施明德先生入獄五十週年紀念作品。主要區分兩個部分,「遺囑」(Political Will)為施明德先生在1980年因美麗島事件被逮捕,在軍事審判,面臨死的刑威脅時,所進行之「最後陳述」之內容;「常識」則為施明德先生在2011年8月出版之《常識》中文版之英文譯文。

  nd vanquishing the Communists” (反攻大陸, 消滅共匪). The Chiang government told us that Mao Zedong (毛澤東), a man it characterized as being the very embodiment of evil, had “enslaved” the Chinese populace, and was threatening to unleash a massacre on Taiwanese soil, to “liberate Taiwan” and make the Taiwanese become part of the People’s Republic of China (PRC).

  In the mid-20th century Taiwanese people went from being Japanese to Chinese, and found themselves embroiled in the middle of a fight between two Chinas.

  Towards the end of the 1970s the burgeoning democracy movement in Taiwan started to gain traction. Taiwanese people were becoming aware of the fact that perhaps identifying themselves as Taiwanese was just as meaningful as regarding themselves as belonging to either the PRC or the ROC. A conflict was beginning to arise between the concepts of what was Taiwanese, and what was Chinese, both in Taiwanese society and in the hearts and minds of its individuals. It is a conflict that has not gone away. With the transfer of power to a different political party, electoral manipulations and guerrilla warfare between the “green” and “blue” parties have made the terms “Chinese” and “Taiwanese” loaded, potent weapons, and accusations of “selling out Taiwan” have become a terrible dagger that cuts deep to the heart of the accused.

  I myself have been arrested on two occasions. The first was in 1962, the second in 1980. The crime, on both occasions, was treason for pushing for Taiwanese independence, and for this I spent over 25 years in prison. In 2006, then-president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and members of his family had allowed themselves to get involved in corrupt deals, and I organized the “Million Voices Against Corruption, President Chen Must Go” movement. The governing Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and sections of the press came out to protect Chen, and inexplicably accused me of that heinous crime I spoke of above: “selling out Taiwan.” For them, the DPP was Taiwan, and to “love” Chen was to love Taiwan. As I saw it, putting party interests first in this way was not good for the country.

  Judgments on one’s patriotism, of whether one “loved” Taiwan or was selling the country down the river, became powerful tools in the hands of the competing political parties, blue versus green, in their fight against each other. The Taiwanese people had lost their political spirit, had lost any sense of direction or goal as they entered the 21st century. The presidential election descended into a scrap that centered almost entirely on the issue of patriotism. Nothing else was considered important.

  Three years ago, my daughter, Hsiao Pan (小板), 10 years old and in the fourth grade of elementary school, came up to me with her younger sister Chia-chia (笳笳).
  They said to me, “Dad, aren’t we Taiwanese? Why does our teacher say we are Chinese?” My wife Chia-chun (嘉君) had been suggesting that we have the children educated at home. When the girls asked me this, I decided it was time to agree to her idea. We took the girls out of school and started teaching them at home. We did not want them getting caught up in, and confused by, the pointless blue/green, unification/independence tug of war.

  It was also this incident that made me want to write a book so that I could explain to them the story of our country’s independence. I have already said, and written, too much on this subject, and have presented my ideas too academically and at too great a length. The thing is, how best to tell children about our country? I think we answer them in the same way we do when they ask questions about how they came into this world: with the utmost sincerity and frankness! After all, how can we hope to dispel prejudice if we gloss over the truth? So, this book is going to be a little different.

  As I write this, my thoughts turn to my father, Shih Kuo-tsui (施闊嘴, 1886-1953), who, in his lifetime, was a slave of the Qing Dynasty, a subject of the Japanese Empire, a Chinese and a Taiwanese. His whole life, like so many other people in this country, he was never quite exactly sure which country he belonged to. I sincerely hope that in 20 years’ time, 30 years’ time, 50 years’ time, when I am no longer around and my children’s children have grown up, they will be able to live in peace together with their loved ones, and no longer have to worry about which country they come from. I believe that only when we have thrown off the shackles of doubt over which country we should identify with shall we be truly free as a people.

  Finally, I’d like to say something about why I chose to call this book Common Sense. This is a question that friends who knew I was writing a book have asked me, most of whom thought it had something to do with a pamphlet of the same name published in 1776 by Thomas Paine, a publication that profoundly influenced the American independence movement.

  I just smile and put my hands up. There was never really any intent to copy him. I was just thinking that knowing which country one belonged to should be quite a simple thing for someone living in the modern world, and that was what I meant by “common sense.” The fact is, however, that people in Taiwan are still confused about this issue, and it is discussed back and forth endlessly. It later occurred to me that there were certainly some similarities between my book and his.

  Thomas Paine’s Common Sense was written at a time when America was still a colony of the British Empire, before American independence. He was trying to encourage Americans to stand up and fight for independence so, even though there was much sense to what he was saying, it was written with very stirring language, attempting to stimulate his compatriots into action, to claim their liberty and independence.

  This book, my Common Sense, was written at a time when the country I am living in has already been independent for many years, and yet my own compatriots are continuously asking themselves the rather curious questions of whether their country is independent or not, and to which country they actually belong. All I can do is relate a story, tell people something they should already know through their own common sense. I need to let the 23 million people who live in Taiwan know that they can get together, know who they are and step forward to meet the challenges of the 21st century. We cannot linger in the past and stay with the preoccupations and enmities of the 20th century. Hatred, hostility, enmity – these are shackles.

  Please believe me when I say that forgiveness is a wonderful thing and can bring an end to suffering.

作者簡介

施明德

  日本名:Aki-Nori
  1941年1月15日
  生於日本殖民地高雄州鹽埕埔
  魔羯座 AB型
  政治良心犯
  三次入獄 總共坐牢25年半
  第一次坐牢 1962/06/16 – 1977/06/16
  第二次坐牢 1980/01/08 – 1990/05/21
  第三次坐牢 1997/04/01 – 1997/05/11
  蔣介石 關了他4679天
  嚴家淦 關了他802天
  蔣經國 關了他2927天
  李登輝 關了他898天
  絕食4年又7個月
  被強行實施鼻胃管插管灌食共達3040次
  兩次擔任「總指揮」
  1979年12月10日美麗島事件總指揮
  2006年百萬人民反貪倒扁.紅衫軍總指揮
  1984年和2007年 兩度被提名諾貝爾和平獎

目錄

008 自序
010 Preface
Shih Ming-Te’s Political Will
029 Shih Ming-Te’s Political Will-the final statement of innocence from a devotee
030 A bewitching mythical figure
033 The child who escaped the air raid
043 The Taiwan question, basic human rights and world peace
046 Means to Resolve the Taiwan Question
051 A Specific Plan for Resolving the Taiwan Question
058 My views and methods to achieve a breakthrough on the Taiwan Question
083 The Interpersonal Background behind the formation of the "ROC Model of Taiwan Independence"
100 The significance and function of the "Republic of China Model of Taiwan Independence"
108 The "Republic of China model" from the perspective of international law
117 Give up military force  Use referenda
121 Willing to suffer for human rights and peace
Common sense
136 A BEGINNING
140 COMMON SENSE CHAPTER 1  SO WHERE ARE YOU FROM?
160 COMMON SENSE CHAPTER 2  THE STORY OF OUR COUNTRY’S INDEPENDENCE
172 COMMON SENSE CHAPTER 3  REPUBLIC OF CHINA = TAIWAN = INDEPENDENT COUNTRY
188 COMMON SENSE CHAPTER 4  THE TRICK TO PROTECTING HOME AND NATION
198 COMMON SENSE CHAPTER 5  WHO IS PROTECTING OUR NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY?
210 COMMON SENSE CHAPTER 6  COHABITATION UNDER THE TAIWAN CONSENSUS
224 COMMON SENSE CHAPTER 7  A VISION OF TAIWAN IN THE 21ST CENTURY
238 COMMON SENSE POSTSCRIPT
240 Common Sense Other Works by Shih Ming-Te
242 A brief chronology of Shih Ming-te
 

詳細資料

  • ISBN:9789868552357
  • 規格:平裝 / 268頁 / 19 x 25 x 1.34 cm / 普通級 / 全彩印刷 / 初版
  • 出版地:台灣
  • 本書分類:> >

 

 

​​一、背景連結 1980年,1G網絡誕生於美國芝加哥。1G網絡只能用於語音傳輸,不僅速度慢,信號也不穩定。1990年,行動網路進入2G時代,速率快了很多,可以上網發簡訊。到了2000年,3G開始盛行,數據傳輸能力得到顯著提升,可支持視頻電話等移動多媒體業務。進入2010年,移動通信進入4G網絡,網絡傳輸速度更快。隨著移動網際網路的發展,網際網路技術的演進及移動數據的需求爆炸式增長,現有移動通信系統難以滿足未來需求,5G便成為通信業和學術界探討的熱點話題 2019年5G技術出現,5G將以一種全新的網絡構架,提供峰值10Gbps以上的寬頻、毫秒級時延和超高密度連接,實現網絡性能新的躍升,開啟萬物互聯的新時代。5G應用的不僅僅是手機,在加強通信使用的同時會面向未來的VR和AR、智慧城市、智慧農業、工業網際網路、車聯網、無人駕駛、智能家居、智慧醫療、無人機、應急安全等等。 二、內涵 5G,即指移動通信網絡發展中的第五代網絡,是一種新型的網絡方式,也是即4G、3G和2G系統之後的延伸。5G的性能目標是高數據速率、減少延遲、節省能源、降低成本、提高系統容量和大規模設備連接。 三、5G給生活帶來的改變 ●開啟虛擬現實。通過VR、AR技術進入虛擬教室,通過頭戴式設備參與課程。「雲上辦公」等新的工作方式將成為可能。 ●實現智慧生活。帶有實時語言翻譯功能的5G耳機、基於5G的智能家居服務、多視角的體育賽事或文藝演出直播。 ●自動駕駛汽車。應用於車聯網,車輛可以與紅綠燈、道路限速和危險提示標誌等通信,為緊急剎車、交叉路口碰撞預警等提供智能化輔助。 為「萬物互聯」提供必要條件。智慧家庭物聯將徹底改變生活,未來將不僅僅是家居設備與手機連接,所有家居設備之間都會通過網絡互相連接起來,同步提供服務。 ●攝像頭拍的視頻、圖像能夠及時傳輸,大大增加了圖像識別的準確率和識別速度。警察可快速識別犯罪嫌疑人,快速識別車牌,提高通行速度。 ●遠程診斷更加可靠,支持醫生遠程為病人做手術。應用5G、人工智慧技術的智能機器人可提供更優質的養老服務。 ●5G技術將應用到新聞採集、生產、分發、接收、反饋等各個環節,使得媒體內生技術屬性不斷增強,媒體形態不斷創新,傳播內容更加精準。 四、5G發展面臨的問題: 1、5G通信面臨著信息安全問題的挑戰。 2、5G通信核心技術遇瓶頸。 3、5G通信設備產業發展滯後。 五、對策: 1、提升自主創新水平,突破5G關鍵核心技術瓶頸。 2、加快推進5G試點示範和應用,培育5G良好生態圈。 3、政府支持,護航5G技術推廣,加快5G基礎設施建設。 4、完善5G發展的配套措施,加強規劃管理。 5、以「優勢互補、信息互享、資源互換、發展互惠」為基礎,深化5G融合發展多方合作。 6、加強國際間合作,提升產業國際化水平。​​​​ ...

 

 

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